Text by Socratis Tzifkas, Dimitris Dimtsiadis and Babis Tsilianidis

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translated by Act for freedom now/boubourAs

When laws are not catalysed at the barricades of the insurgents, they become plasticine in the hands of the juridical authorities…
It is the first and we hope the last time we bother to publicize something relevant to the legal development of our case. We believe however that it is important that it is publicly exposed why we are still imprisoned and haven’t gone to trial, because there is some vagueness concerning our non-release on the 13th of July this year.
We are coming up to our 20th month of staying in cells and yards. Since January 2011 when we were arrested, we were accused as its known, for two cases. The case of arson of a vehicle of DEI (greek national electricity company) in Thessaloniki in October 2010 but also the case of the “anonymous terrorist organization” which accompanied our arrests.
For unclear reasons of the law or confusion of the judges (we couldn’t care less), these two detainments “ran together”. Therefore we went through 6month and 12month councils for both cases simultaneously, something that means that we would have been released on July 13th 2012, 18 months after that admittedly unlucky afternoon in Vironas. Something which also confirmed the irrevocable (as they ironically characterized it) decision we have in our hands from the last council we went through for the Athens case.

But why were we not released?

In the relatively euphoric climate we found out later was prevailing in the court room of Thessaloniki when were announced the suspended sentences of the few years which were imposed on us, no one heard, a weird extension given by the chairwoman: “The time served is deducted”.
We will not bother with if she can do something like that on a sentence which is of suspended character, which means to snatch 14 months of real sentence for 30 months of a sentence which is not even judged to be served.
The matter lies elsewhere. The fact that the cases ran together is almost insane, for a court in Thessaloniki to deduct time of served pre-trial sentence, for a case in Athens.

And what does all this mean?

That right now, we remain in prison, with our papers here mentioning at the same time that we should have been released on July 13th, but also that time served has been deducted, without defining not even what is the duration of our new imprisonment (which is probably 12 months, since its the maximum).
The ironic thing is that although the case has closed for months now, we (logically?) will either go through the same procedure of the councils, the decisions, all the ridiculous procedures which complete a juridical case or we will simply continue to be imprisoned until they decide to find the space or time to try us.

Conclusions…

the publication of this whole thing is in order to tear down possible illusions about the juridical monstrosity and must be accompanied by our beforehand solid value position and opinion that we do not have a problem with the whatever irregularities of the system of justice, but with its substance as an institution. Having a special place in the cluster of social institutions, we have many times mentioned how this should be treated by the revolutionaries.
But if there is something we would like to share with the comrades who will take a look at this text, is that today, maybe even more than ever, the invocation of whatever urban legality from our side as a means of political defence of prosecuted fighters but also generally in the frames of the struggles, does not only act assimilationist for our struggle but for ourselves as well. It is simultaneously unnecessary and meaningless.
Laws and the courts which apply them are a foreign terrain for those who fight for liberation of human and nature from the authoritarian bonds. Laws are a formative material in the hands of clique, which itself chooses (whether its politicians which vote them, or its the judges which apply them at will) when it will present them like a carrot to the fearful and fragmented social body in order to protect it (?) and when it will turn them into a whip in order to punish the people, the groups, the communities who think and act against it.
Laws however, have power as long as we accept them, as long as the impacts and contracts they create affect our choices and our lives. Laws however, have power as long as we fail to structure militant communities and remain personalized with everyone looking how to get out clean (how do you dot that anyway?) against their catholic onset.
Laws however, have power as long as we remain silent against the continuous blackmail of enclosure and isolation for everyone who will dispute their omnipotence.
Laws however, have power as long as we, do not abolish them in practice, performing them as values in our consciences and torching them as toilet paper in the flames of the streets and the roofs of the prisons which define the liberated, liberating and unlawful moments of our violent meetings with the social machine, and their defenders.
RAGE AND CONSCIENCE
WAR AGAINST THE SOCIAL MACHINE
P.S. The communication show of the police with the videotaped (sic) raid of theirs in DELTA squat, after a personal order by the prime minister, should be seen as one more reason for unity, solidarity, stubbornness of the anarchist/revolutionary fighters and should mark the further intensification of the struggle against state and capital.
Our love and deep comradely appreciation and solidarity to the “alania” (street kids) of DELTA squat, arrested and not.
REVOLUTIOANARY ANARCHIST ACTION WILL CRUSH THE TERRORISM OF THE STATE AND BOSSES.
Anarchists hostages of war
SOCRATIS TZIFKAS
DIMITRIS DIMTSIADIS
BABIS TSILIANIDIS

 October 24,2012

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